The IDF is growing increasingly concerned about a narrative taking hold in Israeli public discourse: that the war in Gaza is being waged without a clear purpose and that soldiers are being wounded or killed in vain. Senior officers are also troubled by calls from right-wing politicians to prolong the fighting until Hamas surrenders completely.
According to an assessment presented by the IDF to the security cabinet on Sunday, the military phase of the Gaza campaign is nearing its end. Of the five Hamas brigades active at the start of the war, three have been decisively defeated, and two others are currently under siege. The military also reports two remaining pockets of resistance in Beit Hanoun and northeastern Khan Younis.
Three Hamas brigades defeated, two under siege
In the southern Gaza Strip, the IDF’s 143rd Division has completed its takeover of the Rafah area, including the Philadelphi Corridor and extending up to the Morag Corridor. The 36th Division has overrun Hamas’ southern Khan Younis battalion, severing both ground and underground links with Rafah. The area surrounding the Netzarim Corridor has also been captured. One remaining brigade—the Central Camps Brigade—has not yet been targeted, due to concerns over harming civilians sheltering in nearby humanitarian zones.
In central Gaza, intense fighting continues around Gaza City. The IDF’s 162nd Division is operating between northern Rafah and the Jabaliya refugee camp. Areas such as Jabaliya, Beit Lahiya, and neighborhoods in the northern part of the Strip have been captured, cutting them off from the Gaza Brigade—the last Hamas unit still functioning in an organized fashion. Most of Gaza’s civilian population is now concentrated in humanitarian zones in the al-Mawasi area west of Khan Younis, and in central Gaza City, where the remaining Gaza Brigade is commanded by Az al-Din Haddad—Hamas’ last senior commander in the Strip.
According to the IDF, within a few weeks, it expects to complete the capture of roughly 75% of the Gaza Strip and to destroy most of Hamas’s tunnel infrastructure. The military classifies the tunnels into three categories: offensive tunnels designed to infiltrate Israel—nearly all of which have been destroyed, with perhaps one remaining; strategic tunnels used to move command and forces between combat zones—most of which have also been destroyed; and tactical tunnels for hiding and movement by small squads—many of which remain.
Strategic gains in Rafah, Netzarim
The IDF highlights its control over the “Seventy Ridge,” a strategic elevation in eastern Gaza that provides line-of-sight and fire control from the sea in the west to Israeli communities in the east. Hamas and Islamic Jihad had dug dozens of assault tunnels beneath the ridge, most of which the IDF destroyed using explosives. The military also demolished buildings used as firing positions against Israel and established permanent outposts to prevent future sniper and direct-fire attacks on Israeli territory.
The IDF now also fully controls what it calls the “security perimeter”—a zone extending more than a kilometer into Gaza. Despite the gains, the military stresses that the pace of operations remains slow due to concerns for troop safety and the possibility of hostages being held in some locations. Forces only move into sensitive areas after heavy aerial and artillery bombardments. Still, June was the deadliest month since the war began, with 20 soldiers killed, most by explosives planted by Hamas guerrilla cells still operating independently of central command.
As part of its Operation Gideon Chariots framework, the IDF outlined four objectives: create conditions for hostage recovery, achieve military defeat of Hamas, dismantle its governing authority, and maintain international legitimacy. According to the military, only some of these goals have been completed. Hamas still refuses to accept any agreed framework for the release of hostages.
'We’ve reached a crossroads': decision now rests with government
Yet when it comes to Hamas’ military defeat, the IDF points to major progress. According to Southern Command chief Maj. Gen. Yaron Finkelman, the IDF is close to completing its objectives. In classical military terms, “defeat” means the enemy surrenders—but with a jihadist organization, the benchmark is its ability to operate against Israel. The IDF assesses that most field commanders have been killed, the tunnel network largely destroyed, and nearly all rocket, mortar and anti-tank capabilities eliminated, including underground weapons production sites. Hamas has lost some 20,000 fighters—roughly half of its combat force—and, except for the Gaza and Central Camps Brigades, it is no longer conducting organized military operations.
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The IDF says Hamas’ civilian control now extends to only about 25% of the Gaza Strip. International legitimacy for the campaign has been maintained, partly due to the entry of humanitarian aid, which, according to senior military officials, “breaks the population’s dependence on Hamas”—even if some of that aid falls into hostile hands. Some cabinet ministers criticized the aid policy, but the IDF emphasized that the decision was made at the political level and the army is merely carrying it out.
Despite its battlefield successes, the broader strategic outcome—especially regarding the hostages—now hinges on decisions from the political leadership. “We’ve done our part,” said a senior officer. “We’ve reached a crossroads where the government must decide where it wants to go—both on the hostage issue and on Gaza’s future.”
The IDF makes clear that if Israel opts for direct control over Gaza, it will severely strain the country’s military and economic resources. The army’s preferred outcome is for governance of Gaza to be transferred to an Arab or international framework. However, most regional actors demand that Israel at least signal willingness to support the creation of a Palestinian state—an idea backed by the Trump administration as well. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, it appears, fears that agreeing to such a condition could bring down his government.